Election Reform


 by congressman john doolittle, (r-calif.)

Informing Discretion

Watch the evening news on any given night and you are bound to hear the litany of campaign finance reform platitudes. Campaigns are becoming too expensive. Only millionaires can afford to run for office. Special interests are buying votes with large contributions.

These generalizations usually precede an interview with some earnest-looking advocate of good government who wants to reform the system of financing campaigns.

Yet, nowhere in these news reports do the platitudes peppering the campaign finance debate receive thorough examination. For instance, how do we know campaigns have become too expensive? Compared to what? Congressional campaign spending in 1994 reached $724 million, an all-time high, but let's put the figure in context. Madison Avenue spent more than four times that amount -- $3 billion -- just to advertise toiletries and cosmetics in 1994.

Debunking the myths perpetrated by the advocates of greater campaign finance regulation is not enough, however. There are problems plaguing our current system of financing elections. For instance, it requires current and prospective officeholders to spend too much time raising money and too little time governing and debating issues.

The current system has failed to make elections more competitive. It allows millionaires to purchase congressional seats and inhibits the ability of challengers to raise the funds necessary to be competitive.

Today's system costs taxpayers nearly $900 million in federal taxes that are used to subsidize the presidential campaigns of all sorts of characters, including convicted felons and billionaires.

Finally, today's system hurts voters in our republic by forcing more contributors and political activists to operate outside of the system where they are unaccountable and, consequently, more irresponsible.

These are the problems we face today. And before we decide what reforms should be implemented, we need to decide what kind of new system we want to create. To me, the answer is simple. Our goal should be a system in which any American citizen can compete for and win elective office. It should value political participation and encourage the exercise of our First Amendment rights of speech and association by allowing voters to contribute freely to the candidate of their choice. And, finally, a healthy campaign finance system would require that candidates fully disclose the source of their contributions so that voters can make informed decisions about who may be attempting to influence a candidate.

NO LIMITS BUT FULL DISCLOSURE

I have proposed a bill to uproot the tired and failed policies of the past and to open the process to more Americans. The Citizen Legislature and Political Freedom Act, H.R. 965, repeals existing limits on the amounts individuals and political action committees may contribute to candidates or parties, and repeals the limits on how much parties may contribute to candidates.

Both academic research and real world experience show that challengers need a lot of money to overcome the advantages of incumbency and to be competitive. Higher spending plainly helps challengers more; spending limits tend to benefit incumbents. In 1994, every successful Senate challenger and two-thirds of all successful House challengers spent more than the limits proposed in McCain-Feingold, the campaign finance regulators' favored bill.

Today's unreasonable contribution limits make it difficult for challengers to raise the funds they need. The answer is to eliminate limits on campaign contributions so that challengers can raise the seed money they need to become competitive

Lifting contribution limits is a bold proposition in the face of the current regulatory scheme, but it is only half of the equation. The system of financing campaigns will not truly be free until the American people are empowered to make informed decisions about the candidates they vote for and the forces that might influence them.

The key to a free system is the full and timely disclosure of campaign contributions. Full disclosure will enable voters to identify and understand the interests that may influence a certain candidate and to vote accordingly.

The Citizen Legislature and Political Freedom Act accomplishes this goal by making a number of improvements to the current system of disclosing contributions. First, the bill requires electronic filing of campaign reports, including 24-hour filings during the last three months of a campaign. Congress must take advantage of the advances in technology that are enabling campaigns to communicate information to the Federal Election Commission (FEC) much more efficiently than in the past

While timely reporting to the FEC is important, the information is most powerful when it is available to the voters. That's why the Citizen Legislature and Political Freedom Act also requires the FEC to post all campaign reports on the Internet. Think about it. Every citizen with a computer or access to the Internet can be his own campaign watchdog.

In addition to these disclosure requirements, the issue of so-called "soft money" is addressed by requiring the national parties to distinguish between their federal and non-federal accounts so that parties will be forced to disclose how much money they send to the state parties for state, local, and mixed activities. Additionally, the bill requires state parties to file with the FEC a copy of the same disclosure form they file with their state election offices. In deference to principles of federalism, my bill does not require uniformity among the state forms. Once posted on the Internet, however, a central repository of state disclosure information will be available for all citizens to see how money given to the national parties was spent.

The Citizen Legislature and Political Freedom Act also bars acceptance of campaign contributions unless specific disclosure requirements are met. For example, the Federal Election Campaign Act lists the information that must be disclosed when a campaign takes an individual's contribution, but then guts the requirement in practice by allowing campaigns to claim they made their "best effort" to obtain the proper information. Under my proposal, campaigns would not be allowed to take any contribution without full and proper disclosure.

Finally, my proposal terminates taxpayer financing of presidential election campaigns. Thomas Jefferson wrote, "To compel a man to furnish contributions for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves and abhors is sinful and tyrannical." Since its creation over 25 years ago, the Presidential Election Campaign Fund has sent nearly $900 million in tax dollars to subsidize presidential aspirants who have offended Americans of all political persuasions.

Candidates deemed qualified to receive federal subsidies include convicted felon and perennial candidate, Lyndon LaRouche. LaRouche has raked in more than $2.5 million from taxpayers over the last 20 years, despite the fact that he served a 5-year prison term for fraud and tax law violations, and has run on a platform that includes a provision to colonize Mars.

Support for public financing is at an all-time low, with fewer than 15 percent of Americans checking the box to earmark a few dollars for the presidential fund. At a time when we are attempting to balance the federal budget for the first time in a generation, this subsidy for candidates can no longer be justified.

Supporters and critics alike have called the Citizen Legislature and Political Freedom Act a "radical" reform idea. It certainly is different from the heavy-hand-of-regulation approaches that have received lots of media attention thus far. Yet, I believe we are going to see the momentum grow for new thinking on the campaign finance issue.

At some point, Congress will stop trying to micromanage the system, and will follow the advice of Thomas Jefferson, who once wrote, "I know of no safe depository of the ultimate powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them, but to inform their discretion."

John Doolittle has served in the U.S. House of Representatives since 1990, representing the people of California's 4th District, in the heart of Gold Country.


May/June 1998 -- Florida Business Insight, 501 N. Adams St., Tallahassee, Fla. 32302
(850)224-7173, insight@aif.com

 


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